Posts Tagged ‘disasters’

Environment roundup

  • “Everything would be all renewable all the time if we could just pass the right laws.” The wishful underpinnings of the Green New Deal [Cato Daily Podcast with Caleb Brown and Regulation Magazine editor Peter Van Doren]
  • “The U.S. rail system is optimized for freight, vs. European and Japanese systems that are optimized for passengers (it is hard to do both well with the same network). The U.S. situation is actually better, much better, for energy conservation.” [Coyote]
  • Federalist Society discussions of climate litigation based on public nuisance theories: National Lawyers Convention panel with David Bookbinder, Eric Grant, James Huffman, Mark W. Smith, moderated by Hon. John K. Bush; “Originally Speaking” written debate with John Baker, Richard Faulk, Dan Lungren, Donald Kochan, Pat Parenteau, David Bookbinder; Boston Lawyers Chapter panel on municipal litigation with Steven Ferrey, Phil Goldberg, Donald Kochan, James R. May, Kenneth Reich] Climate nuisance suits have met with an unfriendly reception in American courts and there is no good rationale for filing copycat claims in Canada [Stewart Muir, Resource Works]
  • “Public Universities Exploit Eminent Domain Powers with Little Oversight” [Chris West, Martin Center]
  • Many pro-market reforms would reduce the risks to life and property from natural disasters, climate-related and otherwise [Chris Edwards, Cato]
  • “On patrol with the enforcer of DC’s plastic-straw ban” [Fenit Nirappil/AP via Peter Bonilla (“Welcome to the worst ride along ever”)]

Property law roundup

  • Playlist: songs about eminent domain and takings, property law and the road [Robert H. Thomas, Inverse Condemnation]
  • In-depth look into problems that develop when title to land is held as “heirs’ property,” leaving a dangerous collective tangle in place of individual right and duty [David Slade and Angie Jackson, Post and Courier (Charleston, S.C.)]
  • Dispute over remains of two dinosaurs locked in combat 66 million years ago, lately unearthed in Garfield County, Mont. and extremely valuable, hinges on whether their fossils are “minerals”; Ninth Circuit says they are under Montana law [AP via Molly Brady (“property professor dream hypo”), Murray v. BEJ Minerals]
  • “Government Should Compensate Property Owners for Flood Damage It Facilitated” [Ilya Shapiro and Patrick Moran on Cato amicus petition for certiorari in St. Bernard Parish v. United States] “Texas Court Rules Deliberate Flooding of Private Property by State Government in Wake of Hurricane Harvey can be a Taking” [Ilya Somin]
  • Constituent-group politics continues to shape use of federal lands, to the detriment of its economic value [Gary Libecap, Regulation and related working paper]
  • Caution, satire: Facebook parody of super-intrusive, restrictive, and meddlesome HOA [East Mountain West View Home Owners Association]

October 3 roundup

  • “Rejected Applicant Sues Law Schools for Violating Magna Carta” [Kevin Underhill, Lowering the Bar]
  • “Attorney sued for malpractice is suspended after releasing client’s psychiatric records” [Stephanie Francis Ward, ABA Journal]
  • Moving state and local alcohol regulation past the bootlegger/Baptist era [Cato Daily Podcast with Jeremy Horpedahl]
  • In Charlottesville today? I’ll be on a University of Virginia School of Law panel discussing redistricting / gerrymandering reform, campaign and election law, Maryland politics and more [Ele(Q)t Project]
  • Rejecting ADA claim, Georgia Supreme Court says man cannot blame sleep apnea for “alleged inability to be truthful, accurate, and forthcoming” in bar application [Legal Profession Blog]
  • Update: after national outcry, county D.A. in North Carolina drops charges of unlicensed veterinary practice against Good Samaritan who took in pets during Hurricane Florence [Wilson Times]

Liability roundup

  • Hoping to blame Pacific Gas & Electric power lines for Northern California fires, lawyers from coast to coast descend on wine country [Paul Payne, Santa Rosa Press-Democrat]
  • Courts should police lawyers’ handling of class actions, including temptation to sweep additional members with doubtful claims into class so as to boost fees [Ilya Shapiro, Trevor Burrus, and Reilly Stephens on Cato certiorari amicus in case of Yang v. Wortman]
  • “Seventh Circuit Curtails RICO Application to Third-Party Payor Off-Label Suits” [Stephen McConnell, D&DL] “Here Is Why The False Claims Act Is An ‘Awkward Vehicle’ In Pharma Cases” [Steven Boranian]
  • Litigation finance moves into car crash business [Denise Johnson, Insurance Journal]
  • Slain NYC sanitation worker’s “frequent advice to Sanitation colleagues about how to save for the future helped persuade the jury that Frosch had a viable career ahead of him in financial planning,” contributing large future earnings component to $41 million award [Stephen Rex Brown, New York Daily News]
  • “Ninth Circuit Overturns State Licensing Scheme Forcing Businesses to Incorporate in California” [Cory Andrews, WLF]

Between Puerto Rico and food shipments, the Jones Act

After a brief suspension during the moment of maximum public outcry, the Trump administration earlier this month allowed the Jones Act to go back into effect restraining trade between Puerto Rico and the U.S. mainland. According to this WSJ editorial, Puerto Ricans are paying the price:

Ricky Castro is a food and beverage wholesaler and president of Puerto Rico’s Chamber of Food Marketing, Industry and Distribution, known as MIDA, which boasts 200 members across the island. This month MIDA conducted an informal survey of 15 members and found there are roughly 1,400 containers of their provisions sitting in U.S. ports, waiting to be shipped to Puerto Rico.

Mr. Castro attributes the delay to the Jones Act, which mandates that U.S.-flagged, -built and -manned carriers conduct all shipping between U.S. ports. This means an oligopoly of three companies—Crowley Maritime Corp., TOTE Maritime and Trailer Bridge Inc.—conduct the vast majority of the protected trade between the mainland and the island, at inflated costs on aging ships. The ocean-going Jones Act fleet numbers a mere 99 vessels, compared to thousands available from foreign-flagged carriers.

Earlier here, here, here, etc.

Puerto Rico: Administration won’t extend 10-day Jones Act waiver

Protectionism for the benefit of stateside shipping interests wins out over the rescue-and-rebuild interests of Puerto Rico and its citizenry. And yes, non-Jones ships have already been coming to help in the island’s Hurricane Maria recovery, so forget the claim heard last week that lack of port capacity and the availability of U.S. government vessels makes the law irrelevant. [Scott Shackford, Reason, earlier here and here] And given the Act’s impact on consumers in Hawaii and Alaska, how can it be that all four members of the Hawaii congressional delegation, and two of the three from Alaska, are stalwart backers of the law? [Colin Grabow, Cato] More: Tyler Cowen.

Jones Act and Puerto Rico, continued

Ten day suspension more than halfway over already, time to refocus: the Jones Act “is a swamp creature that’s strangling Puerto Rico” [Colin Grabow, USA Today] The Act’s inefficiencies cost America many jobs, but they’re harder to identify than the jobs “saved” [Ike Brannon] An aged fleet [Thomas Firey on Regulation magazine analysis] A drag on the energy sector [James Coleman, Regulatory Transparency Project] Only two Washington problems are amenable to easy and correct solutions: simplify the tax code and get rid of the Jones Act [Ray Lehmann, R Street] More: Matt Yglesias. Earlier here.

October 4 roundup

Puerto Rico recovery after Hurricane Maria: waiving the Jones Act

The 1920 Jones Act confines shipping traffic between US ports to US-flag, US-crew ships. That includes traffic between the mainland and outlying islands. It’s onerous for Puerto Rico in the best of times and now, in the emergency following the devastation of Hurricane Maria, much worse than that.

The Department of Homeland Security waived the Act beginning Sept. 8 in a limited manner for the purpose of allowing oil shipments to reach areas of Texas and Florida hit by Hurricanes Harvey and Irma. Those waivers expired Sept. 22. On Sept. 25 DHS announced that it would not waive the act for Maria and Puerto Rico even for the limited purpose of oil shipments, let alone general relief. DHS says it thinks most relief supplies for Puerto Rico from the U.S. will be sent by barge and it thinks there will be enough U.S.-flag barges available.

My Cato colleague Nicole Kaeding wrote two years ago that due to the Act, “goods coming from the mainland [to Puerto Rico] can’t come on the most cost-competitive vessel. They must go with one of four U.S. shippers operating that route. The limited competition increases costs. Puerto Rico’s shipping costs are twice those of its island neighbors, making items more expensive to purchase on the island. It also limits Puerto Rico’s ability to export its products to the mainland.”

Now the restrictions also mean that, say, a Norwegian- or Liberian-flagged vessel loaded up in Jacksonville or Savannah with relief supplies will not be allowed to unload them in Puerto Rico, no matter how much port capacity may have reopened there.

Rep. Nydia Velasquez (D-N.Y.) has called on President Trump to suspend the operation of the act for a year to reflect the current emergency, and that should be just an opening bid: Congress should move to repeal the law. Easier said than done: the Act, which also greatly drives up costs for Americans in places like Hawaii and Alaska, is tenaciously defended by U.S.-flag shipping interests and associated labor unions. Inertia, and the special interests that grow up around an existing law that protects some livelihoods, are powerful things. Critics of the Act, including Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), have made little headway. Trump, on Wednesday, on why he has hesitated: “a lot of people that work in the shipping industry… don’t want the Jones Act lifted.”

See also Amber Phillips/Washington Post “The Fix” (with link to Overlawyered), Nelson Denis, New York Times (“The Law Strangling Puerto Rico”), Henry Grabar/Slate, Michael Tanner/NRO. Marc Scribner/CEI, and this new WSJ editorial (“DHS argues that under U.S. law the agency can’t ask for a waiver unless there’s a national defense threat and there aren’t enough Jones Act-compliant ships to carry goods. That may or may not be a cramped reading of the law by DHS, but the Department of Defense has fewer legal constraints. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis could simply find a Jones Act waiver is ‘necessary in the interest of national defense.’”)

UPDATE: This morning the White House announced a 10-day suspension of the act. A 10-day suspension itself means very little when set alongside the magnitude of the need in Puerto Rico, so let’s hope this is just the prelude to a longer term fix. I did appearances this morning on CBS Streaming and WNYC/WGBH “The Takeaway” to discuss the issue.